Texas Adoptees Are Fighting for the Right to Access Their Own Birth Certificates

Fed up with DNA tests and expensive investigators, some adult adoptees are asking the state to unseal their original birth records.

By Kristin Finan, Texas Monthly

Shawna Hodgson was adopted as an infant in the seventies and, she says, “raised in a great family” in Houston. But despite her happy childhood, she always had an underlying need to know more about her birth family. When Hodgson became an adult, she decided to request a copy of her original birth certificate, something she had always assumed she was entitled to receive, from the Texas Department of State Health Services’ vital statistics office. Her request was immediately denied.

“I didn’t know that my original birth certificate was sealed. I just kind of assumed they would hand that information over to me when I was [of age],” says Hodgson. “So imagine my surprise when I marched in there like, ‘I’m ready for my file,’ and they were like, ‘No, no, no. You don’t have the right to that.’” 

Birth certificates are a hot-button issue for Texas-born adoptees, some of whom have spent decades trying to change a state law that makes getting the records a Kafkaesque challenge. Many adult adoptees say that by restricting the ability to obtain their own records, the state denies them the opportunity to access potentially life-saving information about their medical and family histories. 

Under current Texas law, a child’s original birth certificate is sealed when he or she is adopted and the adoptive parents are sent a supplementary birth certificate that lists them as the child’s parents. Adoptees who do not know their birth parents’ names must petition for access in court in the county that granted the adoption and must show what the law calls, without defining the term, “good cause.” 

Hodgson, who did not know her birth parents’ names, went to court twice, and both times she was denied. A judge in Harris County even told her she needed her adoptive parents’ permission, despite the fact that she was 38 years old. She ultimately spent five years conducting her own search, during which she says she spent more than $15,000 on everything from DNA testing to private investigators. After all the arduous effort, Hodgson says, “When I met my birth family, it was like a photo that was blurry came into view.” The search fired her up so much that she became an advocate for other adoptees, and is now a spokeswoman for the Texas Adoptee Rights Coalition. (I met Hodgson during my search for original birth certificates for my two adopted children.)

Adoptees have long said these restrictions violate their civil and human rights. But as a result of increasing awareness of the topic, recent laws granting unrestricted birth certificate access in nine other states including New York and Colorado, and a newly introduced bill in the Texas Legislature that’s more streamlined than bills in previous sessions and has bipartisan support, many advocates are hopeful that this will be the session when things change. 

The new bill was introduced in the Senate by Democrat Nathan Johnson, and in the House by Representative Cody Harris, a Republican who represents an East Texas district that includes Palestine and Corsicana and who is an adoptive dad himself. 

Harris said his experience of adopting his daughter Chloe, now seven, out of foster care and “just seeing how guarded and limited the information is from an adoptive parent’s perspective” greatly informed his decision to sponsor the bill.

“I believe everyone should be able to know where they came from and gain access to that information. It covers everything from knowing your own family medical history about things you might be predisposed towards to diseases that you could take a preventative approach to if you only had the information,” Harris says.

If passed, the bill would allow any adult adoptee to receive a copy of his or her original birth certificate without a court order as long as the adoptee was born in Texas, was previously issued a supplementary certificate, and is now eighteen years old. Unlike previous versions, this simpler bill does not include the option for birth parents to fill out a form saying whether they’d like to be contacted by the adopted person or provide him or her with family medical history.

Because of the size of Texas’s population, changing the law here could affect 800,000 Texas-born adoptees, says Tim Monti-Wohlpart, an advocate who worked on the similar New York bill that passed in 2019. “A lot of eyes are on Texas right now,” he says, adding that, if passed, the Texas bill could help inspire similar legislation in other states.

While thirty years of advocacy within the Texas Legislature have left lawmakers well-informed on the topic, advocates’ inability to get the law changed up to this point can be attributed in large part to the decades-old culture of secrecy surrounding adoption. Whether it was promises made by adoption agencies to unmarried birth mothers who wanted privacy or politicians seeking to protect adoptive parents from intrusion from birth families, adoptees argue that the laws have rarely been about them or their own needs. 

The Gladney Center for Adoption, a national agency based in Texas that has completed 36,000 adoptions since 1887—the majority of which took place in Texas—is among the organizations now voicing support for adult adoptee access. Mark Melson, CEO, president, and Gladney parent, said via email that one of the main requests that the Gladney Center for Adoption’s post-adoption team receives is access to birth records by adopted adults. 

But not everyone agrees that all adult adoptees should be able to access their original birth certificates, including Texas senator Donna Campbell, an adoptive mother herself. Campbell said that because 90 percent of adoptions that occur today are open, respect should be paid to the birth mothers who choose closed adoption. 

“It is rare for a woman to choose a closed adoption—meaning she desires no contact with the child. … She does not do this lightly or without justification,” Campbell said via email. “I am an adoptive mom who understands the unintentional consequences of this bill. We are in no position of trying to undo her decision. This is not the proper role of government.”

Instead, Campbell offers up the state’s Central Adoption Registry, in which adoptees, birth parents, and biological siblings of adult adoptees can register themselves in hopes of locating family members without going through the court system. The mutual-consent adoption registry, she says, “allows both consenting parties to come together on their own accord.”

Adoptees in search of biological family members can also turn to DNA tests like 23andMe and AncestryDNA—a process that advocates say can become emotionally loaded. “As greater access to DNA records exists today, we are seeing more ‘accidental’ reunions by family members who are not ready or prepared to meet,” Melson said, adding that Gladney believes it’s preferable for adult adoptees to gain information through birth records rather than through a genetic relative. For many adoptees, learning about family history from a birth certificate allows them greater control over how to use that information, and can be less stressful than sourcing information from unsuspecting members of their birth family. After all, sliding into the Facebook messages of a potential second cousin who may or may not be able to connect you with your birth parents is quite different from learning their names directly from an official state document.

Getting the bill passed this session will come with challenges, as the Legislature is also tackling major issues like the state budget and redistricting, as well as the ongoing impact of COVID-19 and the state’s electricity grid failures during the recent winter storm. Still, thanks to the new bill’s bipartisan support as well as the force of well-known Texas agencies like Gladney, advocates are cautiously optimistic. 

“It’s way past time for people to understand this issue,” Hodgson says. “Can I predict what’s going to happen? No. But I feel optimistic. I have to, because that’s how we keep going.”

This article originally appeared in Texas Monthly at https://www.texasmonthly.com/news-politics/adult-adoptee-birth-cerficiate-legislation/.

With this change, Texas can save the lives of new moms

Women who lose Medicaid health coverage soon after giving birth are at high risk of bad outcomes

By Dallas Morning News Editorial

Childbirth is a joyous time for a mother, but also can lead to medical crises, postpartum depression, and premature death, including suicide.

At a time when new mothers are so vulnerable, access to medical resources and counseling that could save lives should be available. However, if a new mother is poor, several post-childbirth risk factors sharply increase, and a key safety net is available for only the first two months after delivery. Medicaid health insurance currently provides coverage for new mothers for just 60 days despite the fact that medical experts say new mothers are at risk of suffering psychological and medical setbacks related to childbirth for at least a year.

It is heartwarming that womens’ health issues have caught the attention of some lawmakers. With slight differences, SB 141 by Sen. Nathan Johnson, SB 1187 by Sen. Carol Alvarado, HB 107 by Rep. Senfronia Thompson, HB 133 by Rep. Toni Rose, HB 146 by Rep. Shawn Thierry, and HB 98 by Rep. Lina Ortega all extended Medicaid health insurance for new mothers from 60 days to one year after pregnancy.

We urge lawmakers to extend benefits for a year and not put more women at risk. Roughly, 89% of pregnancy-related deaths reviewed since 2013 were preventable and 31% occurred 43 days to one year after the end of pregnancy, according to the state’s Maternal Mortality Review Committee. The committee also determined that Black and Hispanic new mothers were at elevated risks of bad outcomes.

In 2018, for example, the severe maternal morbidity rate for Black women in Texas was 299.4 cases per 10,000 delivery hospitalizations, significantly higher than the overall state rate of 182.3, as were the statistics for Hispanic mothers. The severe maternal morbidity rate includes “unexpected outcomes of labor and delivery that result in significant short-term or long-term consequences to a woman’s health,” according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Texas ranks an embarrassing last, at 25.5% in the rate of uninsured women of childbearing age, according to a Georgetown University study, so expanding Medicaid coverage to 12 months would be a step forward. Women who lose health coverage soon after giving birth are likely to stop taking medication or obtain support for postpartum depression and treatable maladies such as infection, hemorrhage, preeclampsia, eclampsia, and cardiovascular and coronary conditions.

Texas lawmakers have known that this is a major problem but have come up short in previous sessions. Two years ago, the state House approved legislation to provide 12 months of Medicaid coverage to mothers following childbirth only to watch that bipartisan bill fail when the state Senate didn’t take action before the deadline to consider legislation.

Texas temporarily paused removing mothers from Medicaid coverage during the COVID-19 emergency, undoubtedly saving lives. Lawmakers must deliver a bill that extends benefits for one year, and the governor should sign it.

This article originally appeared in the Dallas Morning News at https://www.dallasnews.com/opinion/editorials/2021/03/17/with-this-change-texas-can-save-the-lives-of-new-moms/.

Texas needs laws to keep public information, meetings open. Here are a few good ones

By Kelly Shannon, Fort Worth Star-Telegram

With state lawmakers immersed in the COVID-19 pandemic response and Texas’ electricity failures, the public’s access to information must be at the forefront of the Legislature’s actions. Information allows citizens to watch over their government, to speak out and to ask questions.

There’s no better time than this week, Sunshine Week, to emphasize the importance of the people’s right to know.

As the legislative session approaches its midway point, the Freedom of Information Foundation of Texas and other open-government proponents are holding a Sunshine Week online discussion March 18, hosted by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, an Austin think tank. Fortunately, lawmakers in both political parties are working to enact timely transparency legislation:

Texas Public Information Act compliance. Throughout the pandemic, many government offices have not responded to open-records requests, citing the physical closure of their offices or “skeleton crew” operations with staffers working remotely. House Bill 1416 by Rep. Giovanni Capriglione, R-Southlake, and Senate Bill 925 by Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, would define business days under the Public Information Act to ensure timely responses by governments.

Enforcement measures requiring governments to respond to public information requestors, even if no responsive records are found, are spelled out in SB 927 by Zaffirini and HB 3015 by Rep. Ana Hernandez, D-Houston.

Texas Open Meeting Act improvements. Virtual meetings allowed under the law have worked well for many governments during the pandemic, but in some cases, rules for public comment have been unfairly imposed and telephone call-in lines have not been provided to accommodate those without internet access. Zaffirini’s SB 924 and HB 2683 by Rep. Terry Canales, D-Edinburg, would address these concerns.

Nursing home and assisted living pandemic transparency. Sen. Lois Kolkhorst, R-Brenham, chair of the Senate Health and Human Services Committee, filed SB 882 so that nursing home residents and their loved ones could get the information they need about communicable disease outbreaks, including COVID-19. Zaffirini filed a similar bill, SB 930, as did Rep. Mayes Middleton, R-Wallisville, with HB 3306.

Online contracts. Legislation to require more online posting of government contracts would help citizens better track how tax dollars are spent, during a pandemic or any other time. Capriglione filed HB 2913 and Zaffirini offered SB 929 to achieve this goal.

Dates of birth in public records. Access to a birthdate in a government record promotes accuracy. It can aid citizens vetting a candidate for office; journalists identifying a person in a crime report; or banks, credit report companies and employers relying on public record background checks to conduct business. HB 3535 by Rep. Todd Hunter, R-Corpus Christi, and SB 926 by Zaffirini address this important measure.

Other bills, SB 1225 by Sen. Joan Huffman, R-Houston, and HB 3627 by Rep. Chris Paddie, R-Marshall, would clarify the law about “catastrophe notices” that governments can file to briefly suspend responses to information requests during a disaster. This legislation would add specifics to the law to prevent abuse.

Searchable-sortable records. When government information is stored in spreadsheets or other electronic formats, a requestor may need the data in that format for searching, sorting and organizing. HB 1810 by Capriglione; SB 928 by Zaffirini; and SB 729 by Sen. Nathan Johnson, D-Dallas, would require agencies to provide the information in the requested available electronic format.

Law enforcement transparency. House and Senate members are also working to improve access to police records involving in-custody deaths and to body-camera and dashboard-camera video. This would help to ensure public accountability. Key bills are HB 2383 by Rep. Joe Moody, D-El Paso, and SB 975 by Sen. Royce West, D-Dallas.

This Texas legislative session is an unusual one amid the coronavirus pandemic. But ensuring access to public information is still important, given the stakes of government decisions on the virus and other issues.

Now is a crucial time to protect this basic right.

This article originally appeared in Fort Worth Star-Telegram at https://www.star-telegram.com/opinion/opn-columns-blogs/other-voices/article249990744.html.